By Jordi Tejel
ISBN-10: 0203892119
ISBN-13: 9780203892114
ISBN-10: 0415424402
ISBN-13: 9780415424400
This ebook is a decisive contribution to the learn of Kurdish historical past in Syria because the crucial interval (1920-1946) as much as these days.
Avoiding an essentialist technique, Jordi Tejel presents nice, advanced and infrequently paradoxical research concerning the articulation among tribal, neighborhood, neighborhood, and nationwide identities, on one hand, and the formation of a Kurdish minority wisdom vis-à-vis the consolidation of Arab nationalism in Syria, however.
Using unpublished fabric, specifically about the needed interval (French documents and Kurdish newspapers) and social move thought, Tejel analyses the explanations of this "exception" in the Kurdish political sphere. even with the exclusion of Kurdishness from the general public sphere, specially on account that 1963, Kurds of Syria have kept away from an instantaneous disagreement with the relevant strength, so much Kurds identifying a technique of "dissimulation", cultivating internally the types of identification that problem the reputable ideology. The booklet explores the dynamics resulting in the consolidation of Kurdish minority expertise in modern Syria; an ongoing approach which may take the shape of radicalization or perhaps violence.
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Extra info for Syria's Kurds: History, Politics and Society (Routledge Advances in Middle East and Islamic Studies)
Example text
Although the broadcasts were not very long, news read by Kamuran Badirkhan in Kurmanji dialect reached Turkey, giving both real and symbolic importance to Kurdish language broadcasts from Radio Levant. The Kurdish associations founded in the Levant and the Koranic schools were important staging posts for the spreading of ideas expressed by the revues and the radio. In Jazira, the Kurdish Charitable Society, counting about 230 members in 1932, subscribed to Hawar. Also in Jazira, Ciwanên kurd (“Young Kurds”) and the Sharaf al-Din Bitlisi Club, driven respectively by Cigerxwîn and Qadri Jan, both of whom were authors of diverse revues edited in Damascus and Beirut, together established the means of expression for the Kurdish cultural movement.
Turkish agents tried, particularly during times of high tension, to convince the Kurds to turn their back on France before France turned its back on the Kurds. The Muslim brotherhood between Turks and Kurds was also played upon to rally the tribes from northern Syria behind Ankara’s policy. Additionally, Arab propaganda, besides tapping into religious sentiments, exploited the arrival of Assyrian refugees in Jazira in 1933 and the requests of numerous Jews wanting to settle in Syria. This propagated the idea that France planned to create a haven for foreigners in the country, much like the Zionist projects in Palestine.
However, this making of the Kurdish identity, marked by an extreme process of social closure, had a significant consequence in that the “westernizing Kurdish elites” had to come to inhabit a social and symbolic community that differed dramatically from the community inhabited by the traditional elites (shaykhs and tribal leaders) and nonelites. The intellectual relationship between Kurdish elites and French Kurdologists brought about a sort of consensual nationalist doctrine. In this sense, it becomes difficult to know who was at the source of this new ethnic discourse that sought to legitimize Kurdish aspirations to establish a state since 1919 in order to give the Kurds a place among the modern nations.
Syria's Kurds: History, Politics and Society (Routledge Advances in Middle East and Islamic Studies) by Jordi Tejel
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