By Spyros Economides, Mats Berdal
ISBN-10: 0511275102
ISBN-13: 9780511275104
ISBN-10: 0521838975
ISBN-13: 9780521838979
After years of paralysis, the Nineties observed an explosion within the variety of United countries box operations worldwide. when it comes to scope and point of ambition, those interventions went past the attempted and confirmed ideas of classical UN peacekeeping. certainly, in certain cases - reminiscent of Cambodia, Kosovo and East Timor - the UN presence assumed the shape of quasi-protectorates designed to guide war-torn and deeply divided societies in the direction of lasting peace. This booklet examines the UN's functionality and assesses the broader effect of 'new interventionism' on overseas order and the examine of diplomacy. that includes 8 case reports of significant UN interventions and an introductory bankruptcy outlining an important theoretical and political positive aspects of the overseas method that have ended in the elevated interventionary practices of the UN, this e-book will attract scholars and researchers in diplomacy and foreign organisations.
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Extra info for United Nations Interventionism, 1991-2004 (LSE Monographs in International Studies)
Example text
18 The situation in Somalia was in some respects similar to that in Bosnia, and in others strikingly different. It was similar in that the UN was drawn into the crisis as the result of domestic pressure on governments in Western countries to do something to relieve a humanitarian tragedy. It was also similar in that any solution to the humanitarian problem would require the UN to address the political and security crisis at source. It was different, at least prior to the US, French, Belgian and Italian withdrawals from UNOSOM II in the spring of 1994, in that the basic problem of the Somali operation was not inadequate resources 18 ‘UN Bosnian Commander Wants More Troops, Fewer Resolutions’, New York Times, 31 December 1993, p.
The reason was the tactic of attempting to make peace by persuading the chief poacher to turn game keeper – first Charles Taylor and then Fodoy Sankoh – had been developed by ECOWAS Monitoring Group (ECOMOG) for understandable if wrong-headed reasons: they were operating with very limited resources and both men had allies amongst the Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS governments. The policy was inherited by the UN, when it became involved in 1995 and was kept going through the period when its own main resource effort was directed at establishing the administrations in Kosovo and East Timor.
Governments, which were preaching democratisation, not merely as an instrument of conflict resolution but as the basis of the post-Cold War international order, found themselves in the invidious position of depending on an odious military dictator to restore to power the elected government in Freetown. The death of Abacha in June 1998 paved the way for Nigeria’s return to civilian rule, but the newly elected President Obansanjo quickly called the international community’s bluff, making the perfectly reasonable argument that he could not be expected to address the manifold problems that had to be tackled at home in order to entrench democracy and simultaneously carry the main burden of policing the West African region.
United Nations Interventionism, 1991-2004 (LSE Monographs in International Studies) by Spyros Economides, Mats Berdal
by Daniel
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