Impersonal ''si'' Constructions: Agreement and by Roberta D'Alessandro PDF

By Roberta D'Alessandro

ISBN-10: 3110189674

ISBN-13: 9783110189674

ISBN-10: 3110207516

ISBN-13: 9783110207514

This ebook is a examine monograph on impersonal si buildings (ISC) in Italian in the Minimalist software framework. The booklet bargains a brand new standpoint on ISCs, delivering a brand new set of the most important facts that have been formerly unknown, and mentioning many features of ISCs that have been neglected prior to. It ends up in the creation of extra technique of syntactic research on the facet among slender syntax and pragmatics.

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Extra info for Impersonal ''si'' Constructions: Agreement and Interpretation

Sample text

For exposition purposes, we will reproduce here only one sentence per group, and only those sentences that are relevant for this section. (11) In Italia si mangiano in Italy si eat-3rd pl ‘In Italy they eat spaghetti’ gli the-masc pl spaghetti spaghetti-pl masc (12) In Italia si mangia spaghetti in Italy si eats-3rd sg spaghetti-masc pl ‘In Italy they keep eating spaghetti’ (13) In Italia si mangia gli spaghetti in Italy si eats-3rd sg the spaghetti-masc pl ‘In Italy they (keep) eat(ing) spaghetti’ (14) In Italia si mangia gli spaghetti in Italy si eats-3rd sg the spaghetti-masc pl ‘In Italy they eat spaghetti all the time’ (15) In Italia si mangia spaghetti in Italy si eats-3rd sg spaghetti-masc pl ‘In Italy they eat spaghetti all the time’ a tutto spiano continuously a tutto spiano continuously The acceptability judgments collected are quite telling.

As an example, consider an ungrammatical sentence like *John eats an apple a banana. Should default valuation take place every time we have an unvalued feature, this sentence would not be ruled out, since the Case feature on a banana could be valued as Accusative by default. The idea that default valuation takes place every time a feature is left unvalued is therefore in principle wrong, and we believe that there must be some restrictions to applying default valuation. We wish to propose that default agreement only takes place when Match of unvalued features is met.

Roles appear to be assigned in a fixed order, and this has led some linguists to argue for a -hierarchy, where ‘higher’ Theoretical Assumptions 21 arguments receive -roles that are higher in the hierarchy. Another way of considering this is by saying that some functional projections are endowed with specific -roles, and -role assignment is just another form of feature checking. Building on Hornstein (2001), we may argue that the assignment of -roles may thus take place through an operation which resembles Agree, which respects locality constraints but nevertheless is feature checking (see Manzini & Roussou 2000, Damonte 2004).

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Impersonal ''si'' Constructions: Agreement and Interpretation by Roberta D'Alessandro


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