By Nomi Erteschik-Shir, Tova Rapoport
ISBN-10: 0199280444
ISBN-13: 9780199280445
ISBN-10: 1429470933
ISBN-13: 9781429470933
This choice of new paintings specializes in matters on the lexicon-syntax interface. It offers cutting edge analyses of theoretical problems with aspectual interpretation in quite a few languages. The authors deal with questions comparable to to what volume can version in verbal which means, and thematic details will be made up our minds within the syntax, and the way the translation of varied syntactic structures is derived, as soon as lexical details is minimized. A subset of the articles develops theories that take as their start line the lexical-syntactic framework of the overdue Ken Hale and Jay Keyser, admired between that is their very own bankruptcy.
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Extra info for The Syntax of Aspect: Deriving Thematic and Aspectual Interpretation (Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics)
Sample text
1 Introduction: Re-sorting aspectual classes Discussions of Aktionsart and verb class generally distinguish three types of eventive VP: Incremental Theme verbs, such as eat, draw, write, and destroy, Change-of-State verbs, such as open, clear, and Xatten, and other unergative and transitive verbs, including activities, semelfactives, and some others, such as run, drool, and push. Since both Incremental Theme and Change-of-State verbs are usually accomplishments, and both may exhibit Tenny’s (1992a) measuring-out eVect with internal arguments, they have usually been treated as a natural class.
The verb cough, represented in the grammatical sentence (2) and in the ungrammatical sentence (4), likewise consists of two parts, a root and a verbal nucleus. e. root element) does not motivate the projection of a speciWer. These properties account for the ill-formedness of (4). Transitivization of the type represented by (3) is in principle automatic, by virtue of the complement relation. The structure of (3) is a result of the combination, via Merge, of (6) and a verbal nucleus V, as in (8): (8) V1 V1 V2 DP V2 the pot V2 R break Aspect: The Syntax of Argument Structure 13 Comparable insertion of (7) into the complement position of a matrix verb is impossible—(9) cannot converge as a transitive, there being no internal argument (speciWer) to be licensed by V1, assuming that to be a requirement for convergence: (9) *V1 V1 V2 V2 R cough This follows from the fundamental nature of the root {cough}, which does not force the verb to project a speciWer.
E. as the presence or absence of some property. Suppose the feature is [central]; absence of a property ‘central’ does not really make sense. e. e. a place (path or ground). The latter is fundamental. Thus, the simplest ‘events’ involve a place. If a terminal relation is involved, it is in addition to the place. Thus what we have called ‘terminal coincidence’ is more complex than ‘central coincidence’. If this relative complexity were expressed in structure, then central coincidence would involve a simple dyadic structure, like that deWned by the projection of the preposition in, as in the bracketed small clause of (66) for example: (66) With [the baby in bed] we can relax.
The Syntax of Aspect: Deriving Thematic and Aspectual Interpretation (Oxford Studies in Theoretical Linguistics) by Nomi Erteschik-Shir, Tova Rapoport
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