By Thomas S. Stroik
ISBN-10: 0262012928
ISBN-13: 9780262012928
ISBN-10: 0262255340
ISBN-13: 9780262255349
ISBN-10: 0262512769
ISBN-13: 9780262512763
During this hugely unique reanalysis of minimalist syntax, Thomas Stroik considers the optimum layout homes for human language. Taking as his start line Chomsky's minimalist assumption that the syntactic component to a language generates representations for sentences which are interpreted at perceptual and conceptual interfaces, Stroik investigates how those representations should be generated so much parsimoniously. Countering the existing analyses of minimalist syntax, he argues that the computational homes of human language consist merely of strictly neighborhood Merge operations that lack either look-back and look-forward houses. All grammatical operations lessen to a unmarried kind of in the community outlined feature-checking operation, and all grammatical houses are the cumulative results of neighborhood grammatical operations. As Stroik demonstrates, decreasing syntactic operations to neighborhood operations with a unmarried property—merging lexical fabric into syntactic derivations—not in simple terms greatly raises the computational potency of the syntactic part, however it additionally optimally simplifies the layout of the computational procedure. Locality in Minimalist Syntax explains more than a few syntactic phenomena that experience lengthy resisted prior generative theories, together with that-trace results, superiority results, and the interpretations to be had for multiple-wh structures. It additionally introduces the live on precept, a massive new proposal for syntactic research, and gives whatever thought of most unlikely in minimalist syntax: a locality account of displacement phenomena. Linguistic Inquiry Monograph 51
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Additional info for Locality in minimalist syntax
Sample text
6 The surviving LI or SO will be copied in the WorkBench with its checked features marked for deactivation—that is, if the head H checked features Fi and Fj , the LI will be copied in the lexical bu¤er/Numeration as hF1 , . aFi ,aFj , . . Fn i, where aF indicates that the feature has been checked.
Remerge does so unselectively, automatically reintroducing, from the Numeration, any already merged SO with at least one unchecked, surviving feature (if the SO is merged in XP, it will remerge in YP—the phrase that immediately dominates XP). Importantly, neither Merge nor Remerge has any derivational look-back or look-ahead capabilities, and neither of them needs to be constrained by economy (or minimality) conditions. The derivational simplicity of the Merge and Remerge operations together with the (ontological) exclusion of minimality conditions makes my proposed design for HL a design that is as economical as possible.
Nothing else is an SO. If Merge operations formed SOs as in (2), these operations could licentiously string together any series of LIs and all such strings would be well formed SOs in a language. Obviously, this would terribly overgenerate the SOs permissible in any language. We can conclude, then, that the combinatory power of Merge must be reduced. That is, only certain types of combinations will produce well-formed SOs. That only a subset of possible combinations is well formed can be seen in (3).
Locality in minimalist syntax by Thomas S. Stroik
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